How can the aca be repealed




















It works like this: enrollees must contribute a maximum amount toward their premium, based on their income. If the benchmark plan premium exceeds that amount, enrollees receive the difference in the form of a tax credit.

The logic of this approach is that enrollees are shielded from sharp increases in premiums. Critics, however, contend that this formula will be fiscally unsustainable over the long run. The ACA sets standards for minimum benefit generosity health plans may offer. Plans must include 10 essential health benefits; must provide benefits with a minimum actuarial value of at least 60 percent of expected costs for an average population; and must cap annual out-of-pocket limit for the consumers.

The ACA also changed rating regulations. Plans cannot charge different prices based on gender or health status. Prices can vary only by age and tobacco use status.

Older consumers can be charged a maximum of three times more than younger ones this is known as rate banding. Some reform plans, such as the recent GOP House Plan — the American Health Care Act — have proposed allowing plans to charge older consumers five times more than younger ones. This change would benefit younger consumers at the expense of older ones. Such a move would likely increase the number of younger people buying insurance, but also decrease the number of older people who do so. In general, average premiums would go down for people under age 47 and up for those over age In fact, the majority of adults at all ages are in good health and thus are all good insurance risks.

Insurers have an interest in keeping these "good risk" adults enrolled. When costs increase for older enrollees, these healthier adults are the most likely to drop coverage. We assume that the individual mandate is in effect, tax credits and subsidies for marketplace coverage are available for qualifying individuals, and Medicaid expansion has occurred in participating states.

RAND analysis found that in general eliminating essential benefits would reduce premiums overall but also sharply increase costs for consumers who need those services. Medicaid expansion has accounted for most of the newly insured under the ACA — approximately 14 million, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation. The federal government currently contributes 50 percent to 75 percent of total costs for Medicaid enrollees who were eligible prior to the ACA, higher amounts for CHIP enrollees, and higher amounts for those made eligible for Medicaid because of the ACA.

Concerns about the potential long-term costs of this arrangement have fueled proposals to modify financing for Medicaid. Some proposals would convert Medicaid financing to a block grant to states. Under this plan, states would receive a lump sum federal payment for Medicaid, indexed to inflation. The payment is fixed regardless of enrollment. We estimated the block grants as a component of the Trump campaign platform.

Under this arrangement, the federal government sets a limit on how much to reimburse states per enrollee. Cost growth per enrollee is indexed to inflation.

We estimate that under one such proposal the AHCA Medicaid enrollment would fall by nearly 10 million people by The impact becomes more pronounced over time, with Medicaid enrollment falling by nearly 14 million.

We also estimate that this change will shift costs to the states over time, as recent growth in per capita Medicaid costs exceeds the Medical Consumer Price Index, and this trend may continue. This is not an inherent effect of per capita caps, but as implemented under the AHCA, the caps would reduce funding for the Medicaid expansion population. States could respond in several ways:.

The net effect of these provisions will most likely translate into some combination of lower Medicaid enrollment and less generous coverage. Of the various mechanisms for raising revenues in the ACA, one of the most debated has been the "Cadillac tax," scheduled to take effect in The tax would be jointly paid by employers and workers on their respective contributions. The Cadillac tax seeks to address problems with the tax advantage for employer-sponsored insurance ESI , which allows premiums to be paid with an unlimited amount of pre-tax dollars.

The current tax break has been criticized for encouraging overly comprehensive benefits and promoting overconsumption of care. However, the Cadillac tax has also been criticized for making high-cost plans too expensive, particularly for firms with older and sicker workers, and because the flat 40 percent excise tax is not progressive, like federal income tax. A third option that could address both sets of concerns is a cap on the tax advantage for ESI known as an "exclusion cap".

Under this cap, individuals in employer plans could exclude premiums from their taxable income up to a dollar limit. At first, the possibility of increased insurance premiums concerned many Americans.

And while there were growing pains at first, costs for many people are now holding steady or even dropping. It took a while for people to start accepting such a big policy change, and for insurance companies to start making money, but the benefits consumers began to see, swayed public opinion in favor of the law.

In summer , the last feasible congressional attempt to repeal the Act was defeated. Since then, there have been several attempts to erode the ACA through less straightforward methods. If there are no penalties, healthy people have no incentive to buy insurance, and those with high healthcare costs end up in a giant high risk pool, which is exactly what the ACA aimed to avoid. Judges upheld the constitutionality of the ACA both times. But now, a new effort to strike down the act is making its way through our legal system.

Two Republican Governors and 18 Republican state attorneys general, led by Texas, initiated the lawsuit. The lawsuit, Texas v. In December , a Texas district court judge agreed with the plaintiffs. Therefore, the entire ACA was unconstitutional and repealing it was appropriate. The judge is allowing the status quo to remain until all the appeals have been heard.

In efforts to combat the ruling, and since the current administration is refusing to defend the law in court, 21 Democratic state attorneys general and the U. House of Representatives filed an appeal to challenge the ruling. Additionally, another suit has been filed questioning whether the Democratic challengers to the original lawsuit have standing whether the states will suffer harm to appeal.

If efforts to strike down the Affordable Care Act are successful, the American people will feel the impact quickly and the cost of repealing the affordable care act will be high. But the consequences could reach even further. Insurance companies could go back to denying or delaying coverage to people living with chronic illnesses like Gaucher disease or even preexisting conditions as common as high blood pressure. Since protections for people with preexisting conditions would be eliminated, people with Gaucher disease might be placed in high risk insurance pools.

This would force people with expensive chronic illnesses like Gaucher disease to pay extremely high premiums for insurance coverage. If payment caps were lifted, there would be no end to the money patients would have to pay for their healthcare. People purchased these plans because they were typically much cheaper than insurance plans in the healthcare marketplace. Skinny plans technically provide insurance, but with minimal coverage; these plans are not required to cover the 10 essential health benefits.

This might make a skinny plan seem more attractive, but remember these types of plans do not provide full coverage. For people with chronic diseases like Gaucher disease, these plans represent a real risk to health and financial stability. Repealing the Affordable Care Act would eliminate matching Medicaid funding for people covered under the Medicaid expansion.

Almost drug companies participate in the Medicaid Drug Rebate Program. More than 20 million people would lose their health coverage, and more than million people would lose protections for their preexisting conditions, including millions of COVID survivors. Before the ACA, insurers could discriminate against people with preexisting conditions by charging people with certain health conditions higher premiums; excluding coverage for services related to those conditions; or denying coverage outright.

The ACA protects people with preexisting conditions, including people with disabilities and chronic health conditions, by prohibiting these practices. In addition, it also requires coverage of essential health benefits EHBs so that insurers cannot limit benefits to lower costs or discourage people who need care from enrolling in their plans. The Center for American Progress estimated last year that million nonelderly Americans have a preexisting condition.

The coronavirus has unknown, potentially long-lasting effects on the health of coronavirus survivors. According to the Mayo Clinic , there are myriad long-term health conditions and disabilities that can result from COVID—even if people only had mild symptoms or were young and healthy before contracting the disease. Given these uncertainties—and the wide range of health problems associated with COVID—in the absence of the ACA, insurers in the individual market would likely charge much higher premiums or deny coverage altogether for those who have had COVID More than million Americans have job-based health coverage, and those plans could also reinstate annual and lifetime limits on coverage.

Moreover, given the wide variety of serious, long-term health problems associated with COVID, even those who did not require intensive, inpatient treatment may need costly treatment in the future that could reach arbitrary annual and lifetime limits. Prior to the ACA, almost 60 percent of workers were enrolled in employer plans that had lifetime limits. For people with disabilities and those requiring high-cost treatments for chronic diseases, health care costs can readily exceed this amount.

Children living with the long-term impacts of COVID , depending on the severity of their case, could reach those caps within just a few years. Repealing the ACA with no viable replacement would wreak havoc on the insurance markets. It is absurd that the U. In total, if the ACA were repealed, more than 20 million Americans would lose their coverage, causing the biggest health insurance loss event in recorded history. Without coverage, people cannot get both the preventive and curative care they need.

Rising uninsured rates during the COVID pandemic would be particularly dire, as the uninsured may not only risk their own lives by avoiding treatment but also unwittingly spread the coronavirus without adequate and affordable care. The ACA is a lifeline for employees of small business and the self-employed. Prior to the ACA, the majority of uninsured workers were self-employed or working at small businesses and had few affordable, comprehensive coverage options.

Since the ACA was enacted, the uninsured rate for small-business employees has dropped by nearly 10 percentage points. Medicaid expansion increased the number of small-business employees enrolled in Medicaid by about 50 percent. Furthermore, small-business health care premiums have risen at the lowest rate in years , maintaining affordable options for small-business employees and the self-employed.

Now, during an economic crisis in which these small businesses and individuals have been desperately struggling to survive —and as a deadly pandemic spreads unabated—stripping marketplace coverage from millions of small-business employees risks further imperiling their physical and financial health. Without the ACA, countless small-business employees would become uninsured and unable to afford any coverage. Repealing the ACA could have devastating consequences for young adults.

Prior to the ACA, young adults were uninsured at a higher rate than any other age group. This dependent coverage provision has helped millions of young people gain access to health insurance during a volatile age range when many are pursuing higher education; beginning their careers; or working in part-time or contract jobs that do not offer benefits.



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